Indonesia’s Presidential election goes into its first round on July
8, 2009. This second election process in Post-Suharto Indonesia is an
important step in the countries short democratic history, yet it
remains flawed with shadows of the countries past military rule. Two
of the three presidential candidates have made a very careless choice
by nominating former military leaders from the Suharto regime to run
as their vice presidential running mates.
Presidential candidate Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of
Indonesia’s first President Sukarno is running for office with
Prabowo Subianto as the candidate for the vice president’s office.
Under Suharto’s New Order regime, Prabowo served as head of Kopassus,
the Army Special Forces Command. This special unit conducted
unconventional warfare, counter-insurgency operations and is known
for its numerous human rights atrocities, in particular during
Prabowo’s reign of the Kopassus forces. A military court found him
guilty for his role in the disappearances of student protestors
during the 1998 civil uprising. Prabowo continues to benefit from old
business, family and military ties.
Presidential candidate Yusuf Kalla from the Golkar Party decided to
run with retired General Wiranto as his vice presidential candidate.
Wiranto is accused of committing crimes against humanity in East
Timor. He served his indictment in East Timor after the Serious
Crimes Unit under the UN Transitional Authority in East Timor had
gathered evidence of the atrocities that took place under his
command.
Military rule in Indonesia was overthrown by the 1998 uprising. Yet,
how much has the country overcome impunity and military elitist rule
since then? Certainly a large share of political decisions and
executive orders are in the hands of democratically elected persons,
but if major violators of human rights such as Prabowo or Wiranto
remain not only unpunished and are allowed to run for top political
positions, the strength of the rule of law is questionable.
Most countries make clean criminal records a precondition to run for
political office. In Indonesia’s case, it is not only ordinary crimes
that speak against the candidature, but human rights atrocities and
crimes against humanity. When military rulers can be elected for
civil offices to help rule a country from the top level of the
government while the country suffers from impunity and ongoing
military violence, then civil rights in Indonesia hang on a thread.
A civil democracy remains illusive and so does the respect for human
rights and victims rights to remedies. In face of this, Indonesia
still has a long way to go until it can be recognized as a country
that has overcome its past. Until then military influence remains a
major factor in internal politics. Indonesia is not at war with any
country, but with its many citizens. The last response this situation
requires is the reestablishment of military careerists to extend
kratocracy in Indonesia.
The AHRC is of the view that credible investigations of all
allegations of criminal involvement of presidential candidates and
vice presidential candidates are unavoidable in Indonesia. Permitting
actors such as Prabowo or Wiranto to take part in high ranking
government posts can be considered not only as a constitutional
shortcoming, but also as an attack on civil rule in one of the
world-s largest democracies.