Predictably enough, Indian advocates of a strategic partnership with the US have begun to describe Bush’s just concluded maiden visit to India and the Indo-US nuclear deal as a huge diplomatic breakthrough for India’s foreign policy. With Bush ruling out the possibility of a similar nuclear deal with Pakistan, there is an obvious element of additional glee in this camp. America’s relationship with India, they argue, has now entered a qualitatively new phase - it is now a really special and exclusive relationship. And what better international role can India really cherish than being identified as the most trusted American partner in Asia! So never mind if Manmohan Singh had to throw all diplomatic protocols to the winds to personally rush to the airport to be patted patronisingly on the back by the US President and, if unconfirmed media reports are to be belived, also to be frisked by US security agencies.

The nuclear deal, the much talked about centrepiece of the Bush visit, supposedly recognises India as a nuclear power and entitles her to receive nuclear fuel and technology from the US and other members of the Nuclear Supplies Group in lieu of India’s commitment to abide by the norms and requirements of ‘nuclear non-proliferation’. While the deal is yet to be ratified by the US Congress and the details of the so-called ‘India-specific safeguards’ are yet to be worked out, India’s nuclear programme now clearly stands subjected to an international inspections regime and legally binding eternal and intrusive safeguards. Contrary to Manmohan Singh’s solemn assurance to Parliament last July 29 to acquire the same rights and benefits as the other nuclear powers and never accept discrimination, the deal has signalled an end to India’s long phase of nuclear untouchability only to grant her second-class citizenship in the nuclear world.

The nuclear deal is full of both military and civilian implications. Militarily, it is bound to trigger a disastrous arms race in the subcontinent and the size of India’s so-called ‘minimum nuclear deterrent’ will steadily go up. The enormous costs of this escalating arms race will obviously have to be shouldered by the common Indian people who would be called upon to sacrifice more and more of their basic needs and rights for ‘national security’. The nuclear deal also marks a major shift in India’s energy matrix in favour of nuclear energy which Bush has described as the ‘cleanest and most reliable way’ of meeting India’s energy needs. This means India will be ‘encouraged’ to rely more on nuclear energy, to be generated increasingly by imported reactors dependent on imported fuel, and ‘dissuaded’ from exploring alternative channels of energy supply like the gas pipeline from Iran or cooperation with China in the international oil market. In other words, the deal promises to revive the decrepit US nuclear power industry while thwarting India’s energy independence.

Meanwhile, Bush has been pretty blunt in listing the ‘other responsibilities’ that India will have to discharge. In his Purana Qila address, he has categorically asked India not only “to continue to lift its caps on foreign investment, to make its rules and regulations more transparent, and to continue to lower its tariffs and open its markets to American agricultural products, industrial goods and services” but also to stand by the US in opening up global markets and carrying freedom and democracy to “the darkest corners of the earth”. In other words, the US wants India both as an unfettered market as well as a loyal ally in its ‘mission’ to engineer regime change in any country that may dare oppose American hegemony. Whether it is in relation to China or North Korea, Iran or Syria, Venezuela or Cuba, India will now have to toe the US line without fail. Indeed, what else could an unequal strategic partnership possibly mean?

In stark contrast to the euphoria of the ruling elite and the mainstream media, the people of India hit the streets in large numbers to express their anger and opposition. They are angry with Bush and his worldwide war on democracy, progress and humanity, and fuelling this anger is the Indian rulers’ policy of spineless capitulation to the American drive for global hegemony. Many of the parties ‘sponsoring’ these protests may well be accused of being highly inconsistent and even hypocritical in their anti-imperialism, but the scale and intensity of the protests indicated a veritable countrywide outrage against imperialist domination, a popular Indian outcry for national dignity, independence and anti-imperialist internationalism. One of the most heartening features of the protests was the mass participation of the Muslim community and the prospect of growing political proximity between the communist movement and the Muslim masses. Indeed, in the Indian people’s spirited opposition to US imperialism we have the basis of a new, necessary and vibrant Indian nationalism. Communal forces and the Indian state will of course do all they can to disrupt this militant secular anti-imperialist unity of the Indian people. We have already seen such derailment attempts in Lucknow and anti-imperialist forces must act promptly to foil such communal designs. The Bush visit has done its bit in terms of redrawing the battle lines both inside India and in the international arena, and the challenge now is to intensify the battle and carry it forward to victory.

Protest against Bush visit and Growing US intervention in India and South Asia

CPI(ML) organised nationwide protests on February 2 against the visit of George Bush, the chief of the American war machine and imperialist pirate brigade. Various programmes were held at different centres in the country with the slogan ’Killer Bush, Go Back’. Party condemned through these protests UPA Govt.’s spineless surrender before the US Imperialism endangering country’s sovereignty.

In New Delhi, various left and democratic parties and organisation held a massive protest march and rally from Ramlila Maidan to Jantar Mantar. Addressing the mammoth Anti-Bush rally in the Parliament Street, CPI(ML) General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya called upon the patriotic people of India to rise with the spirit of ‘Progressive Nationalism’ of Shaheed-E-Azam Bhagat Singh against the so-called ‘enlightened nationalism’ of Man Mohan Singh, which is nothing but an euphemism for naked surrender to US imperialism. He said that recent statements of US ambassadors in India as well as Nepal were statements of ‘Viceroys’ rather than ambassadors. He made a fervent appeal to strongly combat the capitulationist policies of UPA Government. Taking strong exception to Manmohan Singhs statement that people criticising Indias vote with US in IAEA against Iran are indulging in minority appeasement, Com. Dipankar remarked that Manmohan Singh is speaking in Advani`s language. The US has already identified Iran as the next potential Iraq in Asia and by invoking the bogey of Iran’s nuclear programmes the US is planning to impose crippling economic sanctions on Iran. The Bush Administration has also announced an 85 million dollar programme to promote dissent in Iran much on the lines of the infamous Iraq Liberation Act of the US Congress, the precursor to US invasion and occupation of Iraq. India must come out openly against this new American war campaign in Asia.

He strongly condemned US support to the autocratic Monarchy of Nepal. He said that Kashmir issue should be resolved by India, Pakistan and the people of Kashmir rather than by US dictating terms to the two governments.
He appealed to all patriotic Indians to rise in powerful mass protests against US intervention in our internal affairs and the UPA government’s increasingly pro-US policies.

Comrade Dipankar added that the Bush visit also marks an intensification of US intervention in India and South Asia. India’s nuclear programmes and the entire energy economy are being mortgaged to the US while US interference in Nepal, Kashmir and various other aspects of Indo-Pak relations is also on the increase. He called upon the people to foil this ugly American design and categorically reject the growing pro-US tilt in the UPA government’s policies.

Militant protests were also held in almost all the state capitals and important centres in the country including Patna, Ranchi, Lucknow, Dehradoon, Bhubaneshwar, Chennai, Kakinada, Hyderabad, Kolkata, Guwahati, etc. While the protests were organised in Bihar in all the district headquarters, a massive protest was held in Ranchi and other centres, including Ramgarh, Hazaribagh, Daltonganj, Latehar, Garhwa, Panki, Giridih, Bagodar, Rajdhanwar, Saria, Bokaro, Dhanbad, Jamshedpur, Koderma, Gumla, Lohardagga, Debghar, Dumka, etc., of Jharkhand where effigies of George Bush were burnt in a large number. In Lucknow, an effigy of Bush was burnt in front of UP Assembly. In Uttaranchal, protests were also held in Haldwani, Rudrapur, Shrinagar and Gauchar towns. In Chennai, a joint rally was held by the left parties and a convention was organised in Tiruvottiyur. Protest demonstrations were also held in Tirunelveli, Namakkal, Karur, Tuticorin, Virudunagar, Madurai, Cuddalore, Sirkazhi districts. Police arrested CPI(ML) activists in Tirunelveli. In Assam, protest progrmmes were held in different places on 2 March. In Guwahati a protest march was held at main area of Panbazar. A joint programme with other left and democratic parties was also held at Guwahati. Similar programmes were also held at Dibrugarh, Jorhat, and Biswanath Chariali. Rajasthan witnessed protests in Jhunjhunu and Udaipur and also a joint protest at Banswara. A demonstration was also held in Mansa of Punjab. Massive protests were held in Kolkata on the eve of Bush arrival on 1 March, while in Hyderabad, where Bush spent his second day in India, saw a big protest rally by all left and democratic parties.