BABURAM BHATTARAI’S “LETTER TO THE EDITOR” OF THE KANTIPUR NEWSPAPER
(Tuesday, April 25, 2006)
Presentation from the Monthly Review:
[The revolution in Nepal has led to the recall of
the Parliament dismissed by the King in 2002,
which shall meet on Friday, April 28th. The
leading force of the revolution, the Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist), control more than eighty
percent of the country.
On April 26th, the CPN(M) agreed to call off
their blockade of the capital pending the meeting
of the Parliament, in which the CPN(M) is not
formally represented, on Friday, April 28th, but
warned that if the first meeting of Parliament
failed to decide to hold constituent assembly
elections unconditionally, the blockade would
resume.
On April 25th, a “Letter to the Editor” appeared
in the leading Nepali language Kantipur newspaper
from Baburam Bhattarai, one of the leaders of the
CPN(M). The letter sets out a clear
understanding of the revolutionary moment, and
warns the parliamentary politicians that were
they to attempt a new arrangement with the King
they would be swept aside. This important letter
has not previously appeared in English
translation.-John Mage]
It has been widely felt that the present
revolution in Nepal has brought a revolutionary
change in the communications sector. In this
context, the “letters to the editor” seem more
interesting, lively and factual than the
editorials, articles, and news in established
newspapers. Perhaps this is the sign of
political consciousness among the masses rising
higher than that of the established political
leadership and intelligentsia. Perhaps this is
the proof of the saying that revolution makes
smart people dumb and vice versa. Accepting this
new development in Nepali society, I too feel it
is more appropriate for me to share my views as a
“letter to the editor” than by articles or
statements.
Perhaps only the future generation will be able
to better assess the historic revolutionary
tsunami going on in Nepal from Chaitra 24 [April
6, 2006]. The degree of active participation of
the common people, the nature of that
participation, the level of their motivation can
only be compared with that of major revolutions
in history. Especially the active and self
motivated participation in this revolution of the
extremely poor, the unemployed youth, students,
women, those discriminated against [because of
their clan or caste], the indigenous ethnics, the
higher professionals and the workers has
surpassed all other revolutions in Nepali history
since the revolution of 2007 BS [1950-1]. The
scene of people gallantly resisting the Royal
Armed Forces with whatever they could get their
hands on has raised all Nepali heads high, and
has established our reputation as freedom
fighters rather than as mercenaries for foreign
armies. Since the revolution is still going
strong, what will be its climax has eluded and
worried many people.
In the last leg of this revolution, the danger
has increased of polarization between, on the one
hand, the international power centers, the palace
and the leadership of the established
parliamentary forces, and, on the other, the
revolutionary masses of common people, civil
society and other political forces, leading to
factionalism in the revolution. Especially the
current situation in which the conscious
revolutionary forces demand a Democratic
Republic, and the established political
leadership is unable to rise above their demand
for the reinstatement of the dissolved
parliament, has posed an immediate danger of
factionalism in revolution. Since in the face of
revolution the consciousness of the common people
develops with great speed, it is necessary for
the political leadership to develop their
consciousness at an even greater speed.
Similarly the slogans and programs proposed at
the beginning of the revolution need to be
revised and developed accordingly. When the
whole of Nepal has approved chanting slogans to
end the monarchy and to establish a Republic,
there is no reason why the political leadership
has to hesitate to formally endorse and move
forward with the republican slogan. Even the
international power centers which until yesterday
were unaware of the Nepali peoples’ actual
consciousness and power shall eventually have to
understand the ground realities of this
revolution. In this context, the failure to move
forward with the slogan that incorporates the
people’s aspirations and the nation’s need in
order to bow to international pressure will be a
huge mistake and highly ironic.
If even today the political leadership only
considers the slogans for a democratic republic
to be a Maoist slogan, then they would be seen by
history to have made the millions of people and
their own political activists chanting this
slogan in the streets, “Maoists.” The CPN-Maoist
is flexible and responsible and, keeping in mind
the international situation, has been proposing
the elections for Constituent Assembly as a
meeting point for all. The path for that which
will prove correct, scientific and permanent is
not the Merciful Reinstatement of Parliament by
the King, but the parallel government declared
and established by the revolutionary forces.
That is crystal clear.
Those who argue for the reinstatement of the
parliament for legitimacy and historical
continuity should know that the King has already
torn the constitution in pieces and in this
situation there is no legitimate way to solve the
present crisis. Furthermore this revolution is
not demanding historical continuity but has
already demanded historical discontinuity. There
has been no revolution in history by following
the old constitution and laws, and it is not
going to happen in Nepal. At the time of
revolution, the people’s will is the most
legitimate of all, and the Nepali people have
already provided that legitimacy to the
revolutionary leadership. In this context, the
suggestion coming from even the imprisoned senior
civil society activists to form a parallel
government and move on to a Constituent Assembly
is the most appropriate and correct way. If the
political leadership fearlessly makes a decision
to that effect, then it is almost certain that
sooner or later, the international community will
recognize such arrangements. But by giving this
and that reason for a compromise to be reached
with the King again by the Parliament reinstated
by the King’s Mercy, then no one can say who will
not be swept up and burnt along with the King in
this great revolutionary conflagration.
BRB CPN-M