Constanze Knoche:
In the beginning of April demonstrations took place again in Tahrir Square and the army used fire weapons.One would assume that the army and demonstrators were on the same side, and in February the army was neutral. What were the demands of the demonstrators?
Mamdouh Habashi:

The army leadership was not neutral, was never neutral. The army is not on the battlefield, but in politics. They follow a clear plan. They want to save as much as possible of the old Regime structures. All the achievements of the revolution are a result of Pressure on the street. On Friday April 1st there were 300,000 people on the Tahrir Square; on Friday, April 8th the number swelled to 1,500,000. For the first time, these demonstrations are opposed to Islamists, Muslim Brotherhood and their allies the salafists. The motto was “save the revolution, don’t steal it from us”. The demonstrators did not see a realisation of their earlier demands.
Constanze Knoche:
You stated that the army wants to save the old structures. However, on April 13th they arrested Mubarak and his family. The governmental party NDP was dissolved. So, some important demands have already been fulfilled. Or are these only concessions of the government?
Mamdouh Habashi:
Yes, it is the result of the demonstrations only, especially the 1.5 million demonstrators on April 8th. There is a list of demands and government could not avoid giving in to some, like the arrest of Mubarak. But there are many other demands. Some of them have been ignored by the council of the armed forces, but after more pressure they had to give in. Examples are the dissolution of the fraud parliament and the cabinet of Shafik pointed by Mubarak. This sounds as if the council only reacts to what happens. This not the case - they follow their own plan. They want to give the power to the old structures again. The structures are the old Mubarak networks (groups of interrelated people). Even with the dissolution of the Party, the networks still exist. They have their connections to the security office and to the office for internal affairs. There are still related groups that generate disinformation and perform raids. All these organizations are still in power, despite the demands of the protesters.
Constanze Knoche:
You stated that the army council wants to consolidate the old system. Can you give concrete examples of this?
Mamdouh Habashi:
Already before the demonstration of April 1st a very important law was secretly and suddenly implemented. This law incriminates protest movements, like demonstrations and strikes. Military courts can mete out sentences to imprisonment or fines up to 0.5 million pound [60,000 Euro, JT] with minimal procedure. That is a huge amount. The law is functioning and several activists (demonstrators, workers, peasants) have already been victimized. Sentences of 5 or 10 years imprisonment were passed during the short proceedings. A few days after a new law on political parties appeared. This law was a great disappointment, since many demands were not realised. The people expected a law that would make it possible for political movements to express and to organise themselves, as it should be in the free world. Instead, they were the same as the Mubarak laws, perhaps even worse. The names of the responsible offices only have changed and the rules have become more stringent. For instance, in the beginning of the Mubarak era you needed 20 persons to found a party. A few years later it was increased to 50, in 2005 to 1000. Now the council of the armed forces made it 5000 and also required a firm capital for the foundation of a party. In this way they ensure only two political parties will be able to get in the new parliament, since the elections are already in September 2011. Which new movement, either left or liberal or democratic, will be able to comply with these requirements in such a short time? Everyone understands the objective of these new rules: protection of the old system. The networks of Mubarak and the Muslim Brotherhood will appear under a new name with a new look.
Constanze Knoche:
That leads to my next question. The counsel of the armed forces is relentless about the date of the elections. Can you summarize what the dangers of this fast formation of the government are?
Mamdouh Habashi:
If this plan is realised, the main danger is the composition of the parliament. Only the Mubarak network and the Muslim Brothers will be in it. The first thing the parliament has to organize is an assembly for the new constitution. The constitution will be the starting point for the new Egypt and is to be used for the coming decades. This would be catastrophic. From the outside it looks like a successful revolution, but in reality, it is lost. It is just the legalization of the old structures, if this plan works.
Constanze Knoche:
During the demonstrations there were also yells against Marshal Tantawi, the chairman of the party in power now. Who is this man?
Mamdouh Habashi:
Tantawi is the head of the armed forces and long time servant of the regime. The army leadership in Egypt was a part of the old regime. There is at least as much corruption in the army as elsewhere in society. Everyone knows this and people have tried to neutralize the army. The army had to give in a bit, but it still follows its own plan.
Constanze Knoche:
If we take a closer look at the army, what influence has the USA had on the army and on the democratic process?
Mamdouh Habashi:
The army of Egypt has been turned around in a long process. Originally the army fought anti-colonial battles; it was a patriotic army that took its duty seriously. Now the army acts side by side with the USA and accomplishes the opposite. It fights with the USA against the peoples. This turn around took several decades and is related to the Camp David agreement (1979). These agreement was actually between the Egyptian President Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Begin, but the facilitator was Jimmy Carter, the US President. Carter knows that Egypt had/has a crucial role in the geostrategic plans of the USA. It was/is a strategic cornerstone. It is much more important than say Tunisia or Jordan. In case of Egypt the USA will not want to lose control. As I often say, the USA has no interest in a democratic Egypt; on the contrary, they want a fake democracy. A fake democracy is not as rude as a dictatorship, but is still in practice dependent on the USA. How did they achieve this? Since 1979 the USA has had a large influence on the army and contributed 1.3 billion dollars annually directly to the Egyptian army, not via the Egyptian government. This flow of money is completely uncontrolled, neither by a parliament nor by an audit authority. The money flows into private hands, not with the purpose to increase the military power of the army, but to buy their loyalty through diverting the army from its original task – defending the country – into the economy. Today the army controls at least 1/3 of the entire economy in Egypt, from Real Estate and construction till agriculture and tourism business.
Constanze Knoche:
To return to my first question: what expectations may we still have when so much power comes together in the army? What perspective has the revolution in Egypt?
Mamdouh Habashi:
I always say: the new factor is the people. Dictators like Mubarak, made their policies without the people’s factor. It does not exist in their equations; it was of no importance to them. At this moment, however, this factor has the leading role. As long as the people are aware of their power, continuously organise themselves and want (even with sacrifices) to struggle on the streets, there is still hope. And until now this is still the case.