The construction of Tenants’ Unions as tools of struggle

Despite the surprise, these mobilisations did not emerge from nowhere. They are the result of a housing movement that has been working tirelessly for years, particularly through the Tenants’ Unions, which have recruited thousands of members (over 3,000 in Madrid and more than 5,000 in Catalonia) despite the unfavourable political trends. Both unions were founded in May 2017, as the cycle of the 15M movement waned, Podemos became subordinate to the PSOE, and the major mobilisations of previous years declined.

These new Tenants’ Unions have recognised and attempted to overcome the characteristic limitations of social movements, adopting hybrid structures between social activism and labour unionism. They chose membership-based organising, stable structures, and dedicated organisers. These strategies have allowed them to persist, grow, and consolidate despite challenges, including those posed by the pandemic-related restrictions that devastated many social movements.

Another crucial factor for their success has been the unions’ ability to articulate tenants’ conflicts collectively against landlords and to develop union tools that delivered concrete victories. Solving practical problems presented by members—such as withheld deposits, illegal fees, lack of maintenance, and harassment—proved essential for growth. There is no better demonstration of the unions’ utility than successful collective action. Victories against landlords boosted membership, legitimacy, and improved tenants’ negotiating power.

The unions developed strategies to tackle the central issue: price increases and non-renewal of rental contracts. The “Nos quedamos/Ens quedem” (“We Stay”) campaign involved tenants remaining in their homes post-contract, paying the same rent and collectively negotiating renewals without price increases.

Despite narratives depicting landlords as small property holders relying on rental income, the reality is more complex. Since the 2008 crisis, rental markets have attracted investment firms and large property owners, resulting in property concentration. Although these major landlords are not yet the majority, they significantly influence market speculation.

Against this backdrop, the unions organised vertically owned apartment blocks, proactively seeking conflict rather than passively waiting for tenants to join. They identified issues, mobilised entire blocks, and fought collectively before crises became severe.

Articulating conflict against rent-seeking and institutional struggles

Another crucial pillar has been combining grassroots struggle with institutional lobbying to achieve legislative reforms. Achievements such as changes to rental laws and regulations in certain municipalities (longer contracts, fees charged to landlords, rental price caps, etc.) are victories gained through struggle but are far from sufficient. Current legislation still largely favours rent-seekers over housing rights.

Such legislative changes must be seen as tools—not ultimate goals—to strengthen tenant power for future conflicts. Recent mass mobilisations effectively highlighted widely-felt demands such as urgent rent reductions (minimum 50%), exposing supposed progressive governments’ prioritisation of property profits and introducing new strategies like rent strikes.

Other urgently needed measures include:

1. Stable, long-term, automatically renewable contracts allowing people to plan their lives securely.
2. Expropriation of empty, tourist, or investment fund-owned properties, creating public housing under social control.
3. Real regulation adjusting rents to a maximum of 10% of household income.

These measures are essential to mitigate the housing crisis. However, true housing rights will only be achieved by removing housing from market logic entirely—a change incompatible with capitalism.

Rebuilding class consciousness and combating the far-right

Beyond improving tenants’ material conditions, organisations like the Tenants’ Unions can play key roles in rebuilding class consciousness, integrating feminist and anti-racist perspectives, and combating far-right ideologies.

Tenants are not a distinct class but a segment of the working class whose lack of housing control compounds labour exploitation, similar to mortgage-holders or squatters. Recognising the conflict as one between the working class and rent-seeking bourgeoisie clarifies that housing issues are not merely generational.

New challenges for housing unionism

Moving forward, Tenants’ Unions and the wider housing movement face several key challenges:

1. Developing rent strike tactics effectively to achieve significant victories and widespread rent reductions.
2. Expanding beyond existing unions, creating new tenant organisations regionally and nationally, and uniting tenants, mortgage-holders, and squatters in an integrated housing unionism.

Rent strikes are already happening, exemplified by actions against investment unds like Nestar Homes and La Caixa. Organised collective action directly impacts major landlords, achieving tangible victories.

Finally, current political opportunities must be seized. While Tenants’ Unions have built stable, long-term structures, moments of political prominence require bold initiatives. Advocating for measures like property expropriations and universal rent reductions must accompany proactive organisation to build a powerful, integrated movement capable of confronting state institutions effectively.

Ultimately, the objective is comprehensive housing unionism that addresses all housing issues collectively, advancing working-class solidarity against capitalism’s exploitation, and providing a political and social alternative capable of delivering universal and dignified housing rights.

Alex Francés and Blanca Martínez are housing activists with the Tenants’ Unions in Catalonia and Madrid and members of Anticapitalistas.