Photo: NPA-l’Anticapitaliste

For the first time since the beginning of the large-scale invasion by Russia in February 2022, Ukraine has seen part of its population take to the streets and express their anger towards their political class and in particular their president Volodymyr Zelensky, who had remained relatively popular until then.

On 22, 23, 24 and 25 July, despite martial law prohibiting demonstrations, thousands of people gathered in several cities across the country, in the capital Kyiv but also in cities like Sumy or Kharkiv which continue to suffer daily bombardments and missile strikes, both night and day.

A law that reduces the independence of the anti-corruption fight

The reason for these spontaneous demonstrations? Law No. 12414 voted on 22 July, which, thanks to amendments introduced at the very last minute, would seriously damage ten years of anti-corruption efforts. These amendments aim to reduce the independence of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), by placing them under the control of the prosecutor general, directly appointed by the president’s office. These two institutions had been created in 2014 following the Maidan [the 2013-2014 Ukrainian revolution that led to the ousting of pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych] to respond to the democratic aspirations of the population.

This new law confirmed the serious concerns of recent weeks which have seen several officials from these two institutions targeted by judicial procedures, including Vitaliy Shabunin, the famous co-founder of NABU, accused of evading his military obligations. Voluntarily enlisted in the army since February 2022, he had been seconded for missions within NABU. The activist denounces fallacious accusations and political motivations behind this procedure.

On 22 July, the day of the law’s vote, indignation was therefore immediate within civil society and the political class, including in the presidential camp. A few hours after the law was voted, spontaneous demonstrations, in the form of gatherings, took place to call on Zelensky to use his veto.

Chaotic but encouraging mobilisations

These gatherings display no particular political colour, even though some organisations such as the political organisation Sotsialnyi Rukh (Social Movement) or the student union Priama Diia (Direct Action) do not hide their participation, and some demonstrators wear the anarchist symbol A on their clothes or on their placards. This Wednesday 24 July in Kyiv, in front of the Ivan Franko theatre, where the gathering was taking place, a few steps from the presidential offices, under the eye of the “dialogue police” [special police units without weapons or protection who mediate between demonstrators when tensions arise], a protester climbed a statue to make a black flag flutter.

Despite the presence of students who came with megaphones, there are neither speeches nor addresses and nobody leads this gathering. Between slogans denouncing corruption and bursts of applause, the demonstrators regularly sing the Ukrainian anthem.

“These mobilisations are chaotic by nature,” explains Vitaliy Dudin, member of Sotsialnyi Rukh, “people no longer have experience of mass demonstrations for more than 3 years. Political parties have no influence on this movement. At least not yet.” Denys Pilash, political scientist and also member of Sotsialnyi Rukh, explains to us that these demonstrations are spontaneous, that we “don’t know who the organisers are but it is tacitly understood that nobody displays their organisational and political affiliation.”

Concerning the follow-up to this mobilisation, Vitaliy is optimistic: “we can make new friends there. We see in these demonstrations how deep the demand for social justice is.”

Vitaliy is a labour lawyer and defends numerous trade union organisations and workers: “I’m called more and more often to help people get what they’re owed. People are beginning to understand that they have rights and that they can claim them and defend themselves.”

If he rejoices in this awareness, he knows that this mobilisation will not allow profound change: “the political consciousness of these demonstrators is still young. People are influenced by the democratic ideals of liberalism. They want to live in a democratic society free from corruption but have difficulty seeing that all this is linked to the system itself.” The day after these mobilisations, facing a small audience of railway, health and public service workers, in the premises of Sotsialnyi Rukh, he affirms: “we see the roots of inequalities in the capitalist system and business, which always translates into the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few. This is what favours corruption and various forms of injustice.”

War as a backdrop

Despite these popular and unexpected mobilisations and despite the protests expressed by his European partners, including France, who point to a democratic setback, Zelensky signed this law No. 12414 on the evening of 22 July, claiming that it was about fighting Russian influence within the anti-corruption bodies. An explanation refused by many people who see it as an instrumentalisation of Russian aggression.

This major political event has the particularity of directly linking the country’s domestic political life to military resistance against the Russian invasion.

Since the beginning of the war, several corruption scandals have tainted the political class. While the standard of living has drastically dropped and thousands of Ukrainians are losing their lives on the front lines, it is particularly unbearable for the population to see certain leaders and business heads enriching themselves through commissions and overcharging pocketed on military expenses.

Vitaliy Shabunin recalled this a few days ago in an exclusive interview given to the Kyiv Independent: “corruption kills more in wartime than in peacetime,” explaining that buying food or equipment “for the army at inflated prices, that means the army gets less. Which reduces our chances of winning.” [1]

Among the demonstrators, many have lost loved ones in this war. They denounce a betrayal of the commitments of their dead and of those who continue to fight to defend a free and democratic Ukraine. Military personnel are moreover present at these gatherings. On Thursday 24 July, at the end of the demonstration, soldiers in uniform burst into the gathering setting off red smoke flares whilst the siren warning of a potential attack sounded throughout Kyiv.

The demonstrators left the gathering and dispersed before the curfew came into effect. One could hear echoing in the streets “glory to Ukraine, glory to the heroes!” as if to pay homage in one go to the determination of the population and to its part that has taken up arms to defend the country against the Russian invasion.

The desire for victory against Russia and the will to end this war are feelings shared by the entire population. Faced with aggression by an authoritarian and dictatorial regime, the Ukrainian government has always presented itself as a defender of democracy to ensure the support of Western democracies. The incomprehension is therefore immense for all those who chant in chorus “Ukraine is not Russia!” during these gatherings.

Whilst the deadly and destructive attacks have intensified in recent weeks, the demonstrators see this political manœuvre as a betrayal. A betrayal not only of the country because this democratic setback threatens to distance the chances of joining the European Union and weakening support from Western countries on the eve of a new Russian offensive feared for this summer. But also a betrayal of Maidan’s democratic ideals: “Are we back in 2013?” is written on placards. For Denys Pilash, these references to Maidan are not only from those who participated in it, 11 years ago, but also from this new generation for whom the events of winter 2013-2014 have become a sort of “legendary tradition.”

Zelensky retreats, but not the demonstrators

Faced with criticism from his allies and the determined mobilisation of the population, Zelensky backtracked and announced to the press on 24 July that a new law had been submitted that day to Parliament. It should be studied during an extraordinary session on 31 July. Zelensky told the press “that there should have been dialogue” with civil society.

However, Denys Pilash explains to us that there is never dialogue, even in parliament. This kind of last-minute vote is rather regular. “It’s the straw that broke the camel’s back. People know that NABU and SAPO are not sufficiently effective, but it’s better than nothing.”

The Anti-Corruption Action Centre (AnTAC) created by activist Vitaliy Shabunin welcomes the popular mobilisation and rejoices in this announcement from the president, stating in a communiqué published on its networks that this bill would restore everything that was destroyed by law No. 12414 of 22 July. But the organisation remains nevertheless wary, fearing that during this week’s delay, the provisions provided for by law No. 12414 allow several cases to be buried: “even a week’s delay can be enough to destroy a multitude of NABU and SAPO procedures against corrupt high officials. Let us recall that in this parliament, more than 50 deputies are already suspected or accused of criminal acts. And most of them, precisely for corruption cases handled by NABU and SAPO.”

Calls for mobilisation therefore continue, and this evening, Friday 25 July, new demonstrations took place. “The president made his declaration, but there is no guarantee. The only guarantee that people have is pressure in the street through mobilisation,” Denys Pilash tells us.

AnTAC therefore demands the immediate repeal of law No. 12414 without waiting a week, recalling that Zelensky has already in the past recalled parliamentarians from holiday.

The president has declared that “it was very important for [him] that we listen and that we respond adequately. People asked for change. We responded.”

The lack of reaction from his European partners in recent months to the excesses of power has probably allowed Zelensky to go even further with this law No. 12414, but it is indeed the mobilisation from below of Ukrainian society that has brought him to order and slowed his momentum.

Nobody doubted it, it’s one of the lessons drawn from Maidan and from these last ten years, Ukrainian society knows that it can only count on itself and expects nothing from Ukrainian or European ruling classes.

Correspondent