In March 2007, over 40 Non-governmental Organisations signed a
policy document for the G8-Summit in Heiligendamm that asks the
governments of the G8 to fulfil demands on various issues, for
instance climate change and resources, world trade or development
aid in Africa. (1) We criticise the political perspective and the content of
this policy document, because it breaks with a consensus that has
been met by a broad alliance in the mobilisation for the protests at
Heiligendamm: the central element of this consensus is to
delegitimise the G8 instead of addressing demands to them - from A
like Africa to Z like zone of free trade.
The orientation of the document is a political step backwards. The
necessary radical social transformations cannot only be achieved by
“good arguments”, calling for state actors has been proven as
ineffective. The document implies that governments could and should
be convinced to change the world for the better. Governments and the
G8 are thus seen as part of the solution rather than as part of the
problem. The political and economical structures of the world order,
which are enforced and secured by the governments are not
mentioned in the document. Instead of criticizing the concentration of
power and the underlying power relations, these structures are
confirmed by these demands.
The NGOs signing this policy document fall behind the critique and
reflection of their own role in the nineties, and some NGOs are
absolutely aware of this debate, and thus they themselves become part
of the power structures.
The following three examples show the problematic orientation of the
document:
– The demand for a different climate policy basically reflects the
implementation of the Kyoto-protocol and an effective use of
resources. This maintains the existing dominant structures instead of
demanding a more radical “change of course”. The signing NGOs are
serving governmental propaganda. The German Government pretends
to leads the way internationally in the field of climate protection,
however, on the national level and within the EU it pursues the
interests of the German car industry. Climate change is not primarily
an ecological but rather a social and political problem. Governmental
politics are part of a competition for resources and an environment
which is adjusted to capitalist appropriation. The ruling production
and consumption patterns and the related power relations are not
challenged. A radically different climate and energy policy does not
hope for the insight of governments and energy companies but
focuses on an alternative, truly decentralised supply of energy.
– The chapter on resources in the NGO policy document reveals
consistency with the powerful. The paper reads: "The days of cheap
raw materials are over“. Actually,”cheap resources" never existed, on
the contrary, the people living in the countries of origin always paid a
high price for “our resources”.
– The NGOs claim that the G8 governments should review their politics
towards Africa and that they should be more attentive towards
distributive politics and the strengthening of the role of the civil
society. Adopting progressive terms of the current development
discourse conceals that the primary aim is the exploitation of
resources, and that the prevailing form of integration into the
capitalist world market, which will be promoted further by the G8
governments, is the main problem. Instead of developmental
paternalism, social struggles must be considered and profound
alternatives must be derived from them.
– The political regression finally becomes apparent in the fact that the
successes of the anti-globalisation movement are not mentioned. As a
matter of fact, the social dynamics and the urge for transformation
emerged mainly from protests as in Seattle or Genoa, the Social
Forums, campaigns and the self-organisation of movements. In
contrast, the political perspective of this policy document suggests
that the disagreement between the existing system, or its political
representatives and their critics, is only about details but that there is a
general consent about aims and the course of necessary
transformations.
We will not be going to Heiligendamm just to demand promises from
the G8 which we would have to remind them of in two years. These
demands would be counter-productive and the planned protests would
be undermined by such diluted demands.
We will go to Heiligendamm to massively block the G8.
Bundeskoordination Internationalismus (Federal Co-ordination on
Internationalism in Germany, BUKO)
Notes:
(1) Testing the Credibility of the powerful: concrete action for
environment and development! - Policy paper of international Non-
Governmental Organisations for the G8 Summit in Heiligendamm, 6
– 8 June 2007
http://www.forum-ue.de/fileadmin/userupload/positionspapiere/g8_ngo_policypaper.pdf